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Assertion: Promotion of Bourgeois Ideology

In his attempt to stamp Mao Tsetung a revisionist, Hoxha declares in his book Imperialism and the Revolution:

"According to Mao Tsetung, in socialist society, side by side with the proletarian ideology, materialism and atheism, the existence of bourgeois ideology, idealism and religion, the growth of 'poisonous weeds' along with 'fragrant flowers', etc., must be permitted. Such a course is alleged to be necessary for the development of Marxism, in order to open the way to debate and freedom of thought, while in reality, through this course, he is trying to lay the theoretical basis for the policy of collaboration with the bourgeoisie and coexistence with its ideology."(63; emphasis by the ed.)

This is another one of Hoxha's unfounded assertions. Mao Tsetung always said that culture is committed to a certain class, Hoxha knows this very well. Let's hear what Mao says himself:

"In the world today all culture, all literature and art belong to definite classes and are geared to definite political lines. There is in fact no such thing as art for art's sake, art that stands above all classes or art that is detached from or independent of politics."(64)

The Revolutionary United Front was formed to carry out the people's democratic revolution. Its forces consisted of the proletariat, the peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie and it was led by the proletariat. It was reflected in the new-democratic culture:

"In a word, new-democratic culture is the proletarian-led, anti-imperialist and anti-feudal culture of the broad masses."(65)

After the victory of the people's democratic revolution it was necessary to continue with the United Front policy, because socialist economy and politics had not yet been developed. That's why culture could not yet be fully socialist but rather national-democratic and new-democratic.

"New-democratic culture is national. It opposes imperialist oppression and upholds the dignity and independence of the Chinese nation."(66)

In the transition from the people's democratic revolution to socialist revolution the proletariat could not do without allies either. This situation was reflected in politics, economics and culture. That is how the slogan "Let a hundred flowers blossom, let a hundred schools of thought contend!" originated. Mao says:

"They were put forward in the light of China's specific conditions, in recognition of the continued existence of various kinds of contradictions in socialist society and in response to the country's urgent need to speed up its economic and cultural development."(67)

Mao Tsetung correctly realizes that class struggle in socialism will last for a long time and that for this reason bourgeois ideology will maintain its influence longer. Who will win in this struggle is not yet decided in the stage of socialism because the wrong ideas will still have their effects on people up to the stage of communism. That's why they simply cannot be forbidden. But:

"as far as unmistakable counter-revolutionaries and saboteurs of the socialist cause are concerned, the matter is easy, we simply deprive them of their freedom of speech."(68)

It is absolutely untrue when Hoxha claims that, according to Mao Tsetung, "the growth of 'poisonous weeds' along with 'fragrant flowers', etc., must be permitted." On the contrary, Mao demands:

"Mistakes must be criticized and poisonous weeds fought wherever they crop up. We are against poisonous weeds of whatever kind, but we must carefully distinguish between what is really a poisonous weed and what is really a fragrant flower. Together with the masses of the people, we must learn to differentiate between the two and use correct methods to fight the poisonous weeds."(69)

Hoxha is ruthless in slandering Mao Tsetung, raging:

"This conciliatory stand towards everything reactionary goes so far as to call disturbances in socialist society inevitable and the prohibition of enemy activity mistaken."(70)

What does that refer to? Mao refers here to small groups of workers and students who went on strike in 1956 for material demands which were not met. Mao names two reasons for these disturbances: First, bureaucracy in the leadership and second, the lack of ideological and political education of the workers and students. Then Mao concludes:

"We do not approve of disturbances, because contradictions among the people can be resolved through the method of 'unity – criticism – unity', while disturbances are bound to cause some losses and are not conducive to the advance of socialism."(71)

Hoxha's presentation is utterly superficial and misleading.